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Rethinking Audit Regulation: Why Testing Should Come Before Mandates
Rethinking Audit Regulation: Why Testing Should Come Before Mandates
Leventhal professor Clive Lennox proposes a new approach to audit regulation to measure policy effectiveness prior to broad implementation.
[iStock Photo]
Over the past two decades, audit regulation in the United States has expanded dramatically, becoming more detailed, more centralized, and more prescriptive than ever before. In the wake of major accounting scandals, like Enron in the early 2000s, lawmakers responded with sweeping reforms, most notably the Sarbanes–Oxley Act and the creation of the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board. These changes fundamentally reshaped how audits are conducted, inspected, and enforced. Yet, despite their scale and cost, a basic question remains surprisingly hard to answer: Which audit regulations actually work, at what cost, and why?
In a new white paper, Clive Lennox, professor of accounting at USC Leventhal School of Accounting, argues that the core weakness of modern audit regulation lies not in its motivation, but in how it is designed and implemented. Major regulatory interventions are typically introduced across the entire audit market all at once, without prior testing and with little ability to evaluate their real effects afterward. Once a rule is imposed on every company and every auditor, there is no meaningful comparison group, making it difficult to determine whether observed changes are caused by the regulation itself or by unrelated economic forces. As a result, regulators, lawmakers, and the public are often left debating regulatory effectiveness without clear causal evidence.
The paper proposes a shift in mindset: new audit regulations should be treated less as a set of fixed commands and more as a series of testable policy experiments. Instead of immediately imposing new rules on all public company audits, regulators should, whenever feasible, introduce them through randomized pilot programs. Under this approach, a new rule would initially apply only to a randomly selected subset of public company audits, while others would continue under the status quo. This design, which is standard in medicine and occasionally used in other areas of financial regulation, would allow policymakers to observe what changes when a rule is introduced while controlling for outside economic factors.
Randomized pilots offer several practical advantages. First, they generate clearer and more credible evidence about whether a regulation improves audit quality, raises costs, alters behavior, or produces unintended consequences. Second, they reduce the risk of locking in ineffective or counterproductive rules at scale. Third, they strengthen regulatory legitimacy by grounding policy decisions in transparent evidence rather than assumptions — making those decisions easier to defend to courts, legislators, and the public. Importantly, pilot testing does not imply deregulation or inaction. It simply means learning about the effectiveness of proposed policies before extending them to the full population of public company audits.
The paper points to Regulation SHO, which governs short selling in equity markets, as a rare but successful example of this approach. In that case, regulators used randomized exemptions to study market effects before making permanent changes. Audit regulation, Lennox argues, has largely missed similar opportunities, despite affecting trillions of dollars in capital markets and imposing substantial compliance costs.
When regulation cannot be evaluated, it cannot be improved.
Beyond experimental design, the paper also calls for greater use of market-based incentives and transparency, rather than relying almost exclusively on administrative compliance and inspections. Current regulation focuses heavily on prescribing auditor behavior and penalizing failures after the fact. While such tools are sometimes necessary, they are blunt and costly, and they place a heavy informational burden on regulators, who must decide in advance what “good auditing” should look like in practice.
Market-based mechanisms, by contrast, harness incentives and information revealed through behavior. The paper discusses several illustrative ideas — not as firm recommendations, but as examples of how audit regulation might be rethought. One proposal would allow auditors, under carefully designed safeguards, to take negative financial positions in former clients’ stock. If auditors genuinely believe a client’s financial reporting is misleading, their willingness to back that belief with their own money could provide a powerful credibility signal. Another idea involves mandatory disclosure of unaudited financial statements alongside audited ones, making the value of the audit more visible to investors. A third considers allowing greater flexibility around voluntary audits in certain settings, enabling researchers and regulators to learn where audits add the most value.
Crucially, the paper does not claim that these ideas are necessarily good policy. Their value depends on evidence — exactly the kind of evidence that randomized pilots and careful evaluation could produce. The broader point is that regulation should focus less on enforcing compliance with predetermined rules and more on creating environments where incentives, transparency, and testing reveal what regulations work.
Lennox’s central message is not that audit regulation should be expanded or dismantled. It is that regulation should be testable, evidence-based, and adaptable. Treating regulatory interventions as hypotheses rather than assumptions would improve accountability, reduce waste, and ultimately lead to more effective oversight of a critical profession. For policymakers, practitioners, and journalists alike, the takeaway is simple: When regulation cannot be evaluated, it cannot be improved.
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